Monday, August 29, 2016

இன்று_ஒன்று_நன்று

“சோறும், நீரும் விற்பனைக்கல்ல என்று வாழ்ந்த சமூகத்திலே.. அது விற்கப்படும் போது அந்த சமூகத்தின் பண்பாடும் , அதன் வேரும் அழிகின்றது என்பது தான் பொருள்..”

“அனைத்து உயிர்களும் வாழ்வதற்கான சம உரிமை என்பது ஒரு செல் உயிரி முதல் மனிதன் வரை சமமாக பார்க்க வேண்டும். அப்போதுதான் இந்த உலகம் இயங்கும் ”

“இயற்கைக்கு எதிரானதாக மனித இனம் மாறிக்கொண்டிருக்கிறது. இது மாற வேண்டும். இல்லையென்றால் மனிதனை இயற்கை புறக்கணித்துவிடும்”





10 Quotes From a Sioux Indian Chief That Will Make You Question Everything About “Modern” Culture

Luther Standing Bear was an Oglala Lakota (Sioux) Chief who, among a few rare others such as Charles EastmanBlack Elkand Gertrude Bonnin occupied the rift between the way of life of the Indigenous people of the Great Plains before, and during, the arrival and subsequent spread of the European pioneers. Raised in the traditions of his people until the age of eleven, he was then educated at the Carlisle Indian Industrial Boarding School of Pennsylvania, where he learned the english language and way of life. (Though a National Historical Landmark, Carlisle remains a place of controversy in Native circles.)

Like his above mentioned contemporaries, however, his native roots were deep, leaving him in the unique position of being a conduit between cultures. Though his movement through the white man’s world was not without “success” — he had numerous movie roles in Hollywood — his enduring legacy was the protection of the way of life of his people. By the time of his death he had published 4 Books and had become a leader at the forefront of the progressive movement aimed at preserving Native American heritage and sovereignty, coming to be known as a strong voice in the education of the white man as to the Native American way of life. Here, then, are 10 quotes from the great Sioux Indian Chief known as Standing Bearthat will be sure to disturb much of what you think you know about “modern” culture.

Praise, flattery, exaggerated manners and fine, high-sounding words were no part of Lakota politeness. Excessive manners were put down as insincere, and the constant talker was considered rude and thoughtless. Conversation was never begun at once, or in a hurried manner.

Children were taught that true politeness was to be defined in actions rather than in words. They were never allowed to pass between the fire and the older person or a visitor, to speak while others were speaking, or to make fun of a crippled or disfigured person. If a child thoughtlessly tried to do so, a parent, in a quiet voice, immediately set him right.Silence was meaningful with the Lakota, and his granting a space of silence before talking was done in the practice of true politeness and regardful of the rule that ‘thought comes before speech.’…and in the midst of sorrow, sickness, death or misfortune of any kind, and in the presence of the notable and great, silence was the mark of respect… strict observance of this tenet of good behavior was the reason, no doubt, for his being given the false characterization by the white man of being a stoic. He has been judged to be dumb, stupid, indifferent, and unfeeling.We did not think of the great open plains, the beautiful rolling hills, the winding streams with tangled growth, as ‘wild’. Only to the white man was nature a ‘wilderness’ and only to him was it ‘infested’ with ‘wild’ animals and ‘savage’ people. To us it was tame. Earth was bountiful and we were surrounded with the blessings of the Great Mystery.Kinship with all creatures of the earth, sky and water was a real and active principle. In the animal and bird world there existed a brotherly feeling that kept the Lakota safe among them. And so close did some of the Lakotas come to their feathered and furred friends that in true brotherhood they spoke a common tongue.This concept of life and its relations was humanizing and gave to the Lakota an abiding love. It filled his being with the joy and mystery of living; it gave him reverence for all life; it made a place for all things in the scheme of existence with equal importance to all.It was good for the skin to touch the earth, and the old people liked to remove their moccasins and walk with bare feet on the sacred earth… the old Indian still sits upon the earth instead of propping himself up and away from its life giving forces. For him, to sit or lie upon the ground is to be able to think more deeply and to feel more keenly. He can see more clearly into the mysteries of life and come closer in kinship to other lives about him.Everything was possessed of personality, only differing from us in form. Knowledge was inherent in all things. The world was a library and its books were the stones, leaves, grass, brooks, and the birds and animals that shared, alike with us, the storms and blessings of earth. We learned to do what only the student of nature learns, and that was to feel beauty. We never railed at the storms, the furious winds, and the biting frosts and snows. To do so intensified human futility, so whatever came we adjusted ourselves, by more effort and energy if necessary, but without complaint.…the old Lakota was wise. He knew that a man’s heart, away from nature, becomes hard; he knew that lack of respect for growing, living things soon led to lack of respect for humans, too. So he kept his children close to nature’s softening influence.Civilization has been thrust upon me… and it has not added one whit to my love for truth, honesty, and generosity.

Sunday, August 14, 2016

நா.முத்துக்குமார் தனது மகன் ஆதவன் நாகராஜனுக்கு எழுதிய கடிதம்

நா.முத்துக்குமார் தனது மகன் ஆதவன் நாகராஜனுக்கு எழுதிய கடிதம்

“அன்புள்ள மகனுக்கு அப்பா எழுதுவது இது நான் உனக்கு எழுதும்முதல் கடிதம்.

இதைப்படித்துப்புரிந்து கொள்ளும் வயதில் நீ இல்லை. மொழியின் விரல் பிடித்து நடக்கப்பழகிக்கொண்டு இருக்கிறாய்....

வயதின் பேராற்றாங்கரை உன்னையும் வாலிபத்தில் நிறுத்தும். சிறகு முளைத்த தேவதைகள் உன் கனவுகளை ஆசீ்ர்வாதிப்பார்கள்.

பெண் உடல் புதிராகும். என்தகப்பன் என்னிடமிருந்து ஒளித்து வைத்த ரகசியங்கள் அடங்கிய பெட்டியின் சாவியை நான் தேட முற்பட்டதைபோல நீயும் தேடத் தொடங்குவாய்.

பத்திரமாகவும் பக்குவமாகவும் இருக்க வேண்டிய பருவம் அது. உனக்கு த் தெரியாதது இல்லை. பார்த்து நடந்து கொள்.

நிறைய பயணப்படு. பயணங்களின் ஜன்னல்களே முதுகுக்கு ப்பின்னாலும் இரண்டு கண்களைத்திறக்கின்றன.

புத்தகங்களை நேசி.ஒரு புத்தகததை தொடுகிறபோது நீ ஓர் அனுபவத்தைத் தொடவாய்.

உன் பாட்டனும் தகப்பனும் புத்தகங்களின் காட்டில் தொலைந்தவர்கள்.

உன் உதிரத்திலும் அந்த காகித நதி ஓடிக்கொண்டே இருக்கட்டும்.

கிடைத்த வேலையை விட பிடித்த வேலையைச்செய். இனிய இல்லறம் தொடங்கு. யாராவது கேட்டால்இல்லை எனினும் கடன் வாங்கியாவது உதவி செய்.

அதில் கிடைக்கும் ஆனந்தம் அலாதியானது. உறவுகளிடம் நெருங்கியும் இரு.விலகியும் இரு.

இந்த உலகில் எல்லா உறவுகளையும்விட மேன்மையானது நட்பு மட்டுமே.நல்ல நண்பர்களை ச்சேர்த்துக்கொள். உன் வாழ்க்கை நேராகும்.

இவையெல்லாம் என் தகப்பன் எனக்கு சொல்லாமல் சொன்னவை. நான் உனக்கு சொல்ல நினைத்து ச்சொல்பவை.

என் சந்தோஷமே நீ பிறந்த பிறகுதான் என் தகப்பனின் அன்பையும் அருமையையும் நான் அடிக்கடி உணர்கிறேன்.

நாளை உனக்கொரு மகன் பிறக்கையில் என் அன்பையும் அருமையையும் நீ உணர்வாய்.

நாளைக்கும் நாளை நீ உன் பேரன் பேத்திகளுடன் ஏதோ ஒரு ஊரில் கொஞ்சி ப்பேசி விளையாடிக்கொண்டு இருக்கையில் என் ஞாபகம் வந்தால்,இந்தக் கடிதத்தை எடுத்துப்படித்துப்பார்.

உன் கண்களில்இருந்து உதிரும் கண்ணீர் த்துளியில் வாழ்ந்து கொண்டிருப்பேன் நான்.

இப்படிக்கு,
உன் அப்பா

நா.முத்துக்குமார்.

Thursday, August 4, 2016

GST Bill is aimed at achieving corporate control over democratic mechanisms

Finance Minister Arun Jaitley announced recently that almost all states except Tamil Nadu are on board on the draft GST bill that aims, among other things, to take away most autonomous taxation powers from the state governments. From being opposed by then-Chief Minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, to now being furiously pursued by the Union Government of India, led by its Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Goods and Services Tax bill has come a long way indeed. And although its has come a long way, and it has picked up converts to its cause along the way like the incumbent Prime Minister, the GST idea has not changed fundamentally. The GST still represents, as originally conceived, as the greatest assault of the Union government on state rights and autonomy in general and revenue collection rights of states in particular.
While most other parties, including some erstwhile opposers of the GST, are now on board due to reasons best known to them, none have been able to explain why they have come around to support such a grave attack on state rights and hence on the federal structure of the Indian Union. One party that does not need to do such explaining happens to be the 3rd largest party in the present Lok Sabha — AIADMK. The ruling party of Tamil Nadu has remained steadfast in its opposition to the GST at a time when “negotiations” have pretty much ensured the passage of the GST and its implementation, sooner or not too later. The unfortunate pro-centre nature of constitutional amendments is that even on matters that directly affect rights of the state, laws to be can be imposed on Tamil Nadu. Thus, Tamil Nadu's taxation rights can be taken away even when Tamil Nadu might oppose such infringement. The opposition by the AIADMK has more symbolic value than an actual threat to GST. But, in terms of optics, it looks bad if the consent of one of the most advanced large-scale industrial manufacturing states is not gained as part of the GST bill passage rites — in the form of a constitutional amendment.
Representational image. Reuters
Representational image. Reuters
In the committee report on the 122nd constitutional amendment bill that will snatch most taxation rights of the state, the AIADMK presented a dissent note. What does that say? Firstly, it points out that an unelected GST council “impinges on the legislative sovereignty of both Parliament and the State Legislatures”. AIADMK opposes such an unelected GST council's sweeping powers on such a fundamental matter such as taxation. Secondly, it calls out the conspiracy against federalism embedded in the GST council by stating clearly that the council “completely jeopardises the autonomy of the States in fiscal matters”. In terms of decision making rule and voting weightage in proposed council, “they give the Government of India an effective veto in the GST Council and no distinction is sought to be made amongst the States in weightage”. It exposes the Union government's design of controlling GST council by giving it one-third of total vote in the council.
Basically, then an Union government and a small minority of ruling party led state governments can force any decision or the majority of states. Thus, AIADMK demands, “if at all a Council is formed, the weightage of the vote of the Central Government should be reduced to one- fourth of the total votes cast and that of the States should be increased to three-fourths of the total votes cast. Further, the weightage of each State's vote should be in proportion to the representation of each State in the Council of the States. This is important as the changeover to GST has different implications for different States based on their size and reliance on own tax revenues”. The existing arrangement for deciding on VAT related issues is an Empowered Committee of State Ministers. GST council proposal brings in the Centre with huge voting powers. AIADMK has argued that the existing Empowered Committee of State Ministers is adequate for GST also. Why is it inadequate and why does the Centre needs to hog so much power if it actually cares for federalism and not bull-doze the voices of the states, is a question that Arun Jaitley has never answered or has chosen to ignore. That should be a good indicator of the sharpness of AIADMK's intervention and its readings into the real intent of the Centre.
Most importantly, the AIADMK dissent note marks out the most important aspects of the GST bill, which might explain why big corporates and corporate funded Delhi think-tanks and media are clamouring in its support. AIADMK states, “Some provisions of the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty Second Amendment) Bill i.e. Goods and Services Tax Bill are likely to adversely impact the federal structure of the country. There is a need for decentralisation of powers and devolution of the taxes in favour of the States and further to the Local bodies. Fiscal Federalism and protection of the powers of the states is important”. And finally nails it by saying, “The clauses are designed in a way that the Centre will have absolute powers in deciding tax proposals. This is likely to harm the concept of Union and States. It will be turning into a structure of Union alone...GST should not be in the interest of big corporate houses, who want a free flow of goods and services with the technology promoted and owned by them. With the Centre having an absolute say over the decision making process on the GST, the States will lose its financial independence in the long run and corporate will dictate the policies of even the local Govemments”. GST bill is aimed at corporate control of one of the most important democratic mechanisms of people's control over revenue and resources.
Select committee dissent notes are typically along partisan lines. This one is an exception that sees the Congress and BJP together. AIADMK traditionally has had good parliamentary co-ordination with the BJP. Hence, AIADMK's dissent matters - since it has broken with the government and the opposition, its its steadfast and principled opposition to GST. Hence, even if its eventual defeat, the dissent by Tamil Nadu is important to take stock of the other narrative, about why many people, in Tamil Nadu and outside Tamil Nadu, not belonging to big business, business media and think-tank business, oppose the GST. Thus, the AIADMK viewpoint is not a Tamil viewpoint but the viewpoint of a federalist party that other parties often opportunistically shouting for federalism have ignored, probably due to illiteracy of its MPs as well as rank and file on the implications of GST. Its important that we listen to what the AIADMK is trying to say. It is probably one of the most important decisions that will be taken in the lifetime of the Indian Union. And at present, there is no consensus.